Vladimir Putin, the President of Russia, has landed in India for a two-day trip, where he was welcomed with an embrace by Prime Minister Narendra Modi prior to an annual bilateral summit.
It is anticipated that New Delhi and Moscow will finalize several agreements during this visit, which occurs shortly after the United States intensified its demands on India to cease importing Russian oil.
This visit coincides with the ongoing discussions between the Trump administration and both Russia and Ukraine aimed at putting an end to the ongoing conflict.
India and Russia have enjoyed a long-standing alliance for many years, and both leaders share a cordial rapport. Here’s an examination of the mutual benefits of their partnership and the key points to monitor during their meeting.
A unique camaraderie, trade agreements and international politics
By Steve Rosenberg
What makes relations with India vital for Russia?
To begin, consider these figures:
- a populace nearing one and a half billion.
- an economy that is growing more than 8%. India holds the title of the fastest expanding major economy worldwide.
This creates a highly appealing market for Russian products and resources – particularly oil.
India ranks as the third-largest consumer of crude oil globally and has been purchasing significant volumes from Russia. This trend was not always evident, however. Prior to the Kremlin’s comprehensive invasion of Ukraine, just 2.5% of India’s oil imports originated from Russia.
That proportion soared to 35% as India capitalized on Russian pricing discounts due to sanctions imposed on Moscow and its restricted access to European markets.
India has benefited immensely, while Washington has expressed concerns.
Earlier this year, the Trump administration enacted an extra 25% tariff on goods from India, claiming that by acquiring oil from Russia, India was aiding in financing the Kremlin’s military efforts. Since then, Indian orders for Russian oil have declined. Putin will be eager for India to maintain its purchases.
Additionally, arms sales to India represent another crucial priority for Moscow, a trend that dates back to Soviet times. Ahead of Putin’s journey, reports suggested that India intends to buy advanced Russian fighter jets and air defense systems.
Amid a labor shortage, Russia also regards India as a key source of skilled workers.
However, geopolitical factors also come into play.
The Kremlin takes pleasure in showcasing that Western attempts to isolate it due to the Ukraine conflict have not succeeded.
Traveling to India and meeting with Prime Minister Modi is a demonstration of this.
So is making a trip to China and engaging with Xi Jinping, as Putin did approximately three months ago, where he also met Modi. The sight of the three leaders smiling and conversing together conveyed a clear message that, in spite of the war in Ukraine, Moscow has influential allies who endorse the principle of a “multi-polar world”.
Russia celebrates its “no limits partnership” with China.
It expresses equal enthusiasm regarding its “special and privileged strategic partnership” with India.
This starkly contrasts with Moscow’s strained relations with the European Union.
“I believe the Kremlin is certain that the West, including Europe, has completely failed,” posits Novaya Gazeta columnist Andrei Kolesnikov.
“We are not isolated, because we have ties with Asia and the Global South. Economically, this is the way forward. In that regard, Russia has reemerged as a key player in these regions of the globe, akin to the Soviet Union. However, even the Soviet Union maintained special ties and channels to the US, West Germany, and France. It had a multi-vector approach.
“Now, however, we find ourselves entirely cut off from Europe. This situation is unprecedented. Our thinkers have always asserted that Russia was part of Europe. Now we are not. This represents a significant failure and loss. I’m sure a portion of Russia’s political and business elite aspires to return to Europe and engage in commerce not only with China and India.”
In the upcoming week, anticipate discussions surrounding the Russia-India friendship, trade agreements, and enhanced economic collaboration between Moscow and New Delhi.
Getty ImagesChallenge of Modi’s strategic independence
By Vikas Pandey
Putin’s trip to Delhi arrives at a pivotal moment for Modi and India’s aspirations on the global stage.
The India-Russia relationship has historical roots dating back to the Soviet era and has remained resilient despite shifts in the geopolitical environment.
Putin has likely invested more effort into this partnership than any of his predecessors.
In terms of Modi, although he has faced intense scrutiny from Western powers to condemn Russia regarding its actions in Ukraine, he has insisted that dialogue is the sole path to resolving the dispute.
This exemplifies India’s “strategic autonomy” at work – with Modi finding himself in a unique position within the global political order, forging close links with Moscow while simultaneously maintaining relations with the West.
This strategy was successful until Trump’s return to the Oval Office. Relations between India and the US have reached a historic low in recent months due to unresolved tariff disputes.
In light of this, Putin’s visit now holds heightened importance for Modi as it will test India’s geopolitical independence. He will be navigating a metaphorical diplomatic tightrope.
Modi will aim to demonstrate to the Indian populace, as well as the broader international community, that he still regards Putin as an ally and has resisted pressure from Trump, whom he previously referred to as his “true friend”.
But he has also been under pressure from European partners – just this week, ambassadors from Germany, France, and the UK in India published an uncommon joint op-ed in a prominent newspaper criticizing Russia’s position on Ukraine.
Consequently, Modi must ensure that the enhancement of India-Russia relations does not overshadow ongoing trade negotiations with the US and his collaboration with Europe.
“For India, the challenge lies in achieving a strategic equilibrium – safeguarding autonomy while managing pressure from Washington and reliance on Moscow,” remarked the Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI), a think tank based in Delhi.
Modi’s additional focus will be to unlock the potential for trade between India and Russia.
Experts frequently highlight that the economic relationships between these two powerful allies have underperformed for many years.
Their bilateral trade reached $68.72 billion by the end of March 2025, an increase from a mere $8.1 billion in 2020. This surge was primarily driven by India significantly boosting its purchases of discounted Russian oil. This has created a substantial imbalance favoring Russia, an issue Modi would likely wish to address.
With Indian businesses already scaling back oil acquisitions from Russia to evade US sanctions, both nations will explore other avenues to enhance trade.
The defense sector appears to be the most straightforward option. India’s defense imports from Russia fell to 36% between 2020 and 2024, down from peaks of 72% from 2010-2015 and 55% from 2015-2019, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
This decline has largely stemmed from India’s efforts to diversify its defense portfolio and bolster domestic production.
However, a closer examination of the data presents a different narrative. Numerous Indian defense assets continue to rely significantly on Russian technology. Several of its 29 air force squadrons are equipped with Russian Sukhoi-30 aircraft.
India’s limited military conflict with Pakistan in May this year underscored the crucial role of Russian systems such as the S-400 air defense units in its military capabilities while simultaneously revealing vulnerabilities that need urgent attention.
Reports indicate that India seeks to acquire upgraded S-500 systems and the Su-57 fifth-generation fighter jet. The acquisition of China’s J-35 fifth-generation stealth fighter by Pakistan has not gone unnoticed in New Delhi, and India aims to secure a comparable aircraft swiftly.
Nonetheless, Russia is currently grappling with shortages of essential components due to sanctions and the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. Delivery timelines for some units of the S-400 have reportedly been pushed to 2026. Modi will likely seek assurances on delivery schedules from Putin.
Modi would also aim for Russian markets to be more accessible to Indian products to rectify the significant trade deficit.
“Consumer-oriented and high-visibility categories remain minimal: smartphones ($75.9 million), shrimp ($75.7 million), meat ($63 million), and garments at just $20.94 million highlight India’s limited foothold in Russia’s retail markets and electronics supply chains despite geopolitical shifts,” stated GTRI.
Modi seeks to establish a presence for Indian goods in the Russian market, particularly after the conclusion of the war and Russia’s reintegration into the global economy.
He aims to reduce reliance on oil and defense and pursue an agreement that fortifies ties with Russia while keeping avenues open for strengthening relations with the West.
“Putin’s visit is not a mere nostalgic return to Cold War diplomacy; it represents a negotiation regarding risk, supply chains, and economic insulation. A modest outcome will ensure oil and defense; a more ambitious one will redefine regional economics,” GTRI remarked.
